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"IS IT NEWS?" OR "IS IT IN THE INTEREST OF NATIONAL SECURITY?"
Excerpts from a Speech by President John F. Kennedy
{.(.I do ask every publisher, every editor, an d every newsma n in th e natio n to reexamin e his ow n standards, an d to recognize th e natur e of ou r country' s peril. In tim e of war, th e Governmen t an d th e press have customaril y joine d in an ef- fort, based largely on self-discipline, to preven t unauthorize d disclosure to th e enemy. In time s of clear an d presen t danger, th e court s have held tha t even th e privileged rights of th e First Amendmen t mus t yield to th e public's need fo r na- tional security.
Today no war has been declared—an d however fierce the struggle may be, it may never be declared in the traditional fashion. Ou r way of life is unde r attack
If th e press is awaiting a declaration of war befor e it imposes th e self-discipline of comba t conditions, the n I can only say tha t no war has ever impose d a greater threat to ou r security. If yo u are awaiting a findin g of'clea r an d present danger,' the n I can only say tha t th e danger has never been mor e clear an d its presence has never been mor e imminen t
It require s a chang e in outlook, a chang e in tactics, a change in missio n by th e Government, b y th e people, b y every businessma n an d labo r leader, an d b y every newspaper. For w e are oppose d aroun d th e worl d b y a monolithi c an d ruthles s conspirac y tha t relies primaril y on covert mean s fo r expandin g its spher e of influence—o n infiltratio n instea d of invasion, on subversio n instea d of elections, on intimidatio n instead of fre e choice, on guerrillas by nigh t instead of armie s b y day....
Th e facts of the matte r are that this nation's foes have openly boasted of acquir- ing throug h ou r newspapers informatio n they would otherwise hire agents to ac- quire throug h theft, bribery or espionage; that details of this nation's covert preparation s to counte r the enemy's covert operation s have been available to every newspaper reader, frien d an d foe alike; that the size, the strength, the location, an d the natur e of ou r forces an d weapons, and ou r plans an d strategy for their use, have all been pinpointe d in the press an d othe r news media to a degree sufficient enoug h to satisfy any foreign power
Th e newspapers which printe d these stories were loyal, patriotic, responsible an d well-meaning. Had we been engaged in ope n warfare, they undoubtedl y woul d not have published such items. But in the absence of ope n warfare, they recognized
Foreign Policy Politics and the Cold War Consensus 14 3
only the tests of journalis m and not the tests of nationa l security. And my question tonight is whether additional tests should not now be adopte d
I am asking the member s of the newspaper profession an d th e industr y in this countr y to reexamine their ow n responsibilities—to consider the degree and natur e of th e present danger-—and to hee d th e dut y of self-restraint which tha t danger im - poses upo n all of us.
Every newspaper no w asks itself wit h respect to every story: 'Is it news?' All I
suggest is tha t yo u ad d th e question: 'Is it in th e interest of nationa l security?'
Source: John F. Kennedy, speech to the American Newspaper Publishers Association, April 27, 1961, fro m Public Papers of the Presidents, John F. Kennedy, 1961 (Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1962), 334-38.
INTEREST GROUPS Foreign policy interest group s were relatively few in numbe r an d mostly supportive durin g th e early Cold War. There were som e protest movements, such as th e nuclear disarmamen t movemen t in th e late 1950s. But mor e common, an d mor e influential, were group s in favor of Cold War policies.
I f anything, som e o f these group s were mor e assertive an d mor e anticommunis t tha n official policy. Th e "Chin a lobby " strongl y sided wit h Jiang Jei-shi an d Taiwan, criticizing variou s administration s fo r no t "unleashing " Jiang t o retake mainlan d China. Anothe r exampl e hails fro m th e early 1960s when, i n th e wake o f th e Cuba n missile crisis, Kenned y explore d a "mini-detente " wit h th e Soviets. He was attacke d quit e stridentl y whe n he gave a June 1963 commencemen t speech at America n Univer- sity proposin g tha t th e Unite d States "re-examin e ou r attitude " towar d th e Soviet Union. H e continue d tha t th e Unite d States shoul d "no t b e blin d t o ou r differences — bu t let u s also direct ou r attentio n t o ou r commo n interests an d t o th e mean s b y whic h
thos e difference s can be resolved."46 Whe n later tha t year Kenned y announce d a $250
millio n sale of grain to th e Soviet Union, even agricultura l interest group s were unwill- ing t o breac h their anticommunism. "We oppos e this action," te n Republica n member s of th e Hous e Agricultur e Committe e stated, "becaus e we believe th e vast majorit y of America n farmers, like th e vast majorit y of all Americans, are unwilling to sell ou t a high mora l principle, even fo r solid gold."47 At th e sam e tim e a grou p called th e Com - mitte e to War n of th e Arrival of Communis t Merchandis e on th e Local Business Scene was operatin g in forty-seve n states, harassin g merchant s wh o dare d to sell Polish ham s o r othe r "commie " products. 48
14 4 C H. 4 The Cold War Context: Origins and First Stages
PUBLIC OPINION Public opinio n was grounde d firmly in th e Cold War consensus. In- ternationalis m prevailed over isolationism—6 5 percen t to 8 percent in a typical poll. Eighty percent of American s expressed suppor t for NATO. Containmen t was ranke d sec- on d by th e publi c amon g all nationa l objectives, domesti c policy included.
Consensus, though, whe n take n to o far, can bree d intolerance, suspicion, an d re- pression. This is wha t happene d durin g th e late 1940s an d early 1950s. First, th e reveal- ingly name d Hous e Un-America n Activities Committe e (HUAC) launche d a series of investigations claimin g tha t communist s ha d infiltrate d America n governmen t an d so- ciety. It woul d be affirme d muc h later, afte r th e fall of th e Soviet Unio n an d th e openin g of Soviet archives, tha t som e of these allegations in fact were true. Soviet spies did steal secrets fo r buildin g th e atomi c bomb. The y also operate d withi n th e State Departmen t an d othe r U.S. governmen t agencies.49 But th e manne r i n whic h early Col d War anti - communis m was pursued, th e wid e ne t cast, an d th e arbitrarines s o f so man y o f th e ac-
cusation s mad e too k a profoun d toll o n civil liberties an d created a n environmen t inimica l to th e opennes s of a democrati c society. Th e standard s fo r th e "clear an d pres - en t danger " test set by Justices Holme s an d Brandei s (see Chapte r 3) di d no t requir e th e dange r to be all tha t clear or all tha t presen t fo r nationa l securit y to be invoked as th e basis fo r limiting—indeed, violating—civil liberties. This was especially th e case wit h McCarthyism.
Senator Joseph McCarthy, until the n th e relatively unknow n junio r Republican sena- to r fro m Wisconsin, becam e th e mos t rabid spokesperson an d instigator i n th e hun t for "reds unde r th e bed." Th e essence of th e appeal of McCarthyism comes throug h in a speech th e senator gave in Wheeling, West Virginia, in Februar y 1950 (see "At th e Source," p. 145). "Th e chips are down," McCarth y warned, no t because communist s were superio r in any way, bu t because of "traitorou s actions" by Americans. He pointe d his finger right at th e State Department—"th e brigh t youn g me n wh o are bor n wit h silver spoon s in their mouths, " this hear t of America's foreign policy "thoroughl y infested wit h Communists. " No r did McCarth y an d his cohor t stop there. On e membe r of Congress even charged Sec- retary of State Dea n Acheson wit h being "on Stalin's payroll." No less a figure tha n George Marshall—Genera l Marshall, th e World War II hero, forme r secretary of state, forme r sec- retary of defense—was accused by on e reckless senator of being "a fron t ma n for traitors,
a living lie."50
No r was it only governmen t tha t was being purged. Accusations were hurle d all over America n society. Hollywood blacklisted writers, actors, an d directors accused of being communist s even thoug h they ha d no t bee n convicted. Universities fired professors. Sci- entists wh o held jobs requirin g security clearances lost their positions. Th e countr y was consume d wit h paranoia. Ironically, man y of th e accusations tha t were tru e were discred- ited by th e broade r sense of injustice an d illegitimacy. An d fro m a foreign policy perspec-
Foreign Policy Politics and the Cold War Consensus 14 5
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